“World” editorial. 1st marks the first anniversary of the coup d’tatThere is In February 2021, the Burmese ruling party marked its relentless opposition to the opposition by increasing the sentence of its leader, Aung San Suu Kyi. The 76-year-old Nobel Peace Prize laureate was sentenced on Jan. 10 to four years in prison for illegally importing walkie-talkies.
This new sentence brings to six the number of guards she must experience; He had already been sentenced to four years in prison in December 2021 for violating the rules relating to Govt, after which the sentence was reduced to two years by the generals. Many other allegations have been made against the woman who actually led the Burmese civilian government, along with the military, until the 1st coup.There is February.
This relentlessness was not new to her: between 1989 and 2010 she was deprived of her liberty by military rulers a total of fifteen years ago, and was often placed under house arrest at her home in Yangon. A pet of the Aung San Suu Kyi regime and an eternal “traitor” in the eyes of a paranoid soldier: his education in Britain and marrying a British man who died while he was in custody, what democracy wants to promote is only a shortcut to the disintegration of the nation.
The identity of the oppressed nation
However, her stubbornness and her strength made her more popular in Burma than ever before: from 2016 to 2021, young Burmese continue to take to the streets and shoot to revive the democratic transformation he and his party embodied. The military, and others have embarked on the adventure of armed resistance. Led by a deported National Unity Government (NUG), these “People’s Security Forces” inflict significant casualties on the military, which is still behaving brutally, as shown by the horrific massacre on December 24, after which the bodies of thirty-five civilians were found in burnt cars in a village in the state of Gaya.
Western governments no longer support Aung San Suu Kyi. We know the reason: they accuse him of not publicly condemning the ethnic cleansing of Rohingya civilians by the Burmese military in October 2016 and later in 2017. A moral stain, no doubt, but not Aung San Suu Kyi. Responsible for these abuses: it was actually General Min Aung Hling, the leader and ruler of the forces, who at that time did not stop inciting Palmer and Buddhist supremacy.
The military assassination came after Aung San Suu Kyi’s initiative to appoint former UN Secretary General Kofi Annan to lead an advisory council in Rakhine State to resolve inter-ethnic tensions between Buddhists and Muslims.
The fate of the Burmese opposition leader should not be ignored: he has been a symbol of the oppressed nation since Burma gained independence in 1948.
Through a visit to General Min Aung Hling, Cambodia’s number one Hun Sen has unilaterally broken the isolation that ASEAN, the federation of Southeast Asian nations, has sought to impose on the Burmese military junta. This is not surprising since Phnom Penh is from the regime. But it is up to the democracies not to condemn the Burmese people to oblivion.
“Web specialist. Infuriatingly humble coffee ninja. Wannabe zombie advocate. Subtly charming tv fanatic. Avid social media scholar.”